Monday, August 12, 2013

Scientific Papers on Conspiracy Theories

Scientific Papers on Conspiracy Theories

1. Beliefs in contradictory conspiracy theories
2. PressTV says the conspiracy theorists are the sane ones.
3. http://www.scribd.com/doc/142296968/Adorno-Theodor-W-Anti-Semitism-and-Fascist-Propaganda
4. Adorno on authotorianism
5.Adorno's Authoritarian Personality Theory of Prejudice: high scorers were not only anti-Semitic but also prejudiced towards other minority groups.
6. Mike Wood
7. Climate change as a fraud

1. http://www.academia.edu/1207098/Dead_and_alive_Beliefs_in_contradictory_conspiracy_theories

For the purposes of the present study, we used the conspiracy theory belief scale used by Douglas & Sutton (2011). The questionnaire was 17 items long and used a 7-point Likert scale(1 = “strongly disagree,” 7 = “strongly agree,”), to ascertain participants’ agreement with a variety of different conspiracy theories. These included 9/11 as an inside job, global warming as a hoax by scientists and politicians, and the idea of a fake moon landing.

Crucially, there werefive items regarding the death of Princess Diana (Douglas & Sutton, 2008; 2011; α = .83):
1.One or more rogue “cells” in the British secret service constructed and carried out a plot to kill Diana
2.There was an official campaign by MI6 to assassinate Diana, sanctioned by elements of the establishment
3.Diana faked her own death so that she and Dodi could retreat into isolation
4.Business enemies of Dodi and his father Mohammed Al-Fayed assassinated Dodi, withthe death of Diana a cover-up for the operation
5.Diana had to be killed because the British government could not accept that the mother of the future king was involved with a Muslim Arab

If Adorno’s explanation for contradictory anti-Semitic beliefs can indeed be applied toconspiracy theories, conspiracist beliefs might be most accurately viewed as not onlymonological, but also ideological in nature. Just as an orthodox Marxist might interpret major world events as arising inevitably from the forces of history, a conspiracist would see the sameevents as carefully orchestrated steps in a plot for global domination


2. Iran's PressTV defends conspiracy theorists as the sane ones

New studies: ‘Conspiracy theorists’ sane; government dupes crazy, hostile 

Recent studies by psychologists and social scientists in the US and UK suggest that contrary to mainstream media stereotypes, those labeled “conspiracy theorists” appear to be saner than those who accept the official versions of contested events. 


The most recent study was published on July 8th by psychologists Michael J. Wood and Karen M. Douglas of the University of Kent (UK). Entitled “What about Building 7? A social psychological study of online discussion of 9/11 conspiracy theories,” the study compared “conspiracist” (pro-conspiracy theory) and “conventionalist” (anti-conspiracy) comments at news websites. 

The authors were surprised to discover that it is now more conventional to leave so-called conspiracist comments than conventionalist ones: “Of the 2174 comments collected, 1459 were coded as conspiracist and 715 as conventionalist.” In other words, among people who comment on news articles, those who disbelieve government accounts of such events as 9/11 and the JFK assassination outnumber believers by more than two to one. That means it is the pro-conspiracy commenters who are expressing what is now the conventional wisdom, while the anti-conspiracy commenters are becoming a small, beleaguered minority. 

Perhaps because their supposedly mainstream views no longer represent the majority, the anti-conspiracy commenters often displayed anger and hostility: “The research… showed that people who favoured the official account of 9/11 were generally more hostile when trying to persuade their rivals.” 

Additionally, it turned out that the anti-conspiracy people were not only hostile, but fanatically attached to their own conspiracy theories as well. According to them, their own theory of 9/11 - a conspiracy theory holding that 19 Arabs, none of whom could fly planes with any proficiency, pulled off the crime of the century under the direction of a guy on dialysis in a cave in Afghanistan - was indisputably true. The so-called conspiracists, on the other hand, did not pretend to have a theory that completely explained the events of 9/11: “For people who think 9/11 was a government conspiracy, the focus is not on promoting a specific rival theory, but in trying to debunk the official account.” 

In short, the new study by Wood and Douglas suggests that the negative stereotype of the conspiracy theorist - a hostile fanatic wedded to the truth of his own fringe theory - accurately describes the people who defend the official account of 9/11, not those who dispute it. 

Additionally, the study found that so-called conspiracists discuss historical context (such as viewing the JFK assassination as a precedent for 9/11) more than anti-conspiracists. It also found that the so-called conspiracists to not like to be called “conspiracists” or “conspiracy theorists.” 

Both of these findings are amplified in the new book Conspiracy Theory in America by political scientist Lance deHaven-Smith, published earlier this year by the University of Texas Press. Professor deHaven-Smith explains why people don’t like being called “conspiracy theorists”: The term was invented and put into wide circulation by the CIA to smear and defame people questioning the JFK assassination! “The CIA’s campaign to popularize the term ‘conspiracy theory’ and make conspiracy belief a target of ridicule and hostility must be credited, unfortunately, with being one of the most successful propaganda initiatives of all time.” 

In other words, people who use the terms “conspiracy theory” and “conspiracy theorist” as an insult are doing so as the result of a well-documented, undisputed, historically-real conspiracy by the CIA to cover up the JFK assassination. That campaign, by the way, was completely illegal, and the CIA officers involved were criminals; the CIA is barred from all domestic activities, yet routinely breaks the law to conduct domestic operations ranging from propaganda to assassinations. 

DeHaven-Smith also explains why those who doubt official explanations of high crimes are eager to discuss historical context. He points out that a very large number of conspiracy claims have turned out to be true, and that there appear to be strong relationships between many as-yet-unsolved “state crimes against democracy.” An obvious example is the link between the JFK and RFK assassinations, which both paved the way for presidencies that continued the Vietnam War. According to DeHaven-Smith, we should always discuss the “Kennedy assassinations” in the plural, because the two killings appear to have been aspects of the same larger crime. 

Psychologist Laurie Manwell of the University of Guelph agrees that the CIA-designed “conspiracy theory” label impedes cognitive function. She points out, in an article published in American Behavioral Scientist (2010), that anti-conspiracy people are unable to think clearly about such apparent state crimes against democracy as 9/11 due to their inability to process information that conflicts with pre-existing belief. 

In the same issue of ABS, University of Buffalo professor Steven Hoffman adds that anti-conspiracy people are typically prey to strong “confirmation bias” - that is, they seek out information that confirms their pre-existing beliefs, while using irrational mechanisms (such as the “conspiracy theory” label) to avoid conflicting information. 

The extreme irrationality of those who attack “conspiracy theories” has been ably exposed by Communications professors Ginna Husting and Martin Orr of Boise State University. In a 2007 peer-reviewed article entitled “Dangerous Machinery: ‘Conspiracy Theorist’ as a Transpersonal Strategy of Exclusion,” they wrote: 

“If I call you a conspiracy theorist, it matters little whether you have actually claimed that a conspiracy exists or whether you have simply raised an issue that I would rather avoid… By labeling you, I strategically exclude you from the sphere where public speech, debate, and conflict occur.” 

But now, thanks to the internet, people who doubt official stories are no longer excluded from public conversation; the CIA’s 44-year-old campaign to stifle debate using the “conspiracy theory” smear is nearly worn-out. In academic studies, as in comments on news articles, pro-conspiracy voices are now more numerous - and more rational - than anti-conspiracy ones. 

No wonder the anti-conspiracy people are sounding more and more like a bunch of hostile, paranoid cranks. 

http://www.presstv.ir/detail/2013/07/12/313399/conspiracy-theorists-vs-govt-dupes/ 

3. http://www.scribd.com/doc/142296968/Adorno-Theodor-W-Anti-Semitism-and-Fascist-Propaganda

Theodor W. Adorno
Anti-Semitism and Fascist Propaganda
The observations contained in this paper are based upon three studies made by the Research Project on Anti-Semitism<1> under the auspices of the Institute of Social Research at Columbia University. These studies analyze an extensive body of antidemocratic and anti-Semitic propaganda, consisting mainly of shorthand transcriptions of radio addresses by some West Coast agitators, pamphlets, and weekly publications. They are primarily of a psychological nature, although they often touch upon economic, political and sociological problems. Consequently, it is the psychological aspect of propaganda analysis rather than the objective content of this propaganda which is here under consideration. Neither a comprehensive treatment of the methods employed, nor an enunciation of a full-fledged psychoanalytic theory of anti-democratic propaganda has been aimed at. Further, facts and interpretations, generally known to those familiar with psychoanalysis have been omitted. The goal has been, rather, to point out some findings, which, however preliminary and fragmentary, may suggest further psychoanalytic evaluation.
The material studied itself evinces a psychological approach. It is conceived in psychological rather than in objective terms. It aims at winning people over by playing upon their unconscious mechanisms rather than by presenting ideas and arguments. Not only is the oratorical technique of the fascist demagogues of a shrewdly illogical, pseudo-emotional nature; more than that, positive political programs, postulates, nay any concrete political ideas play but a minor role compared with the psychological stimuli applied to the audience. It is from these stimuli and from other information rather than from the vague, confused platforms of the speeches that we can identify them as fascist at all.
Let us consider three characteristics of the predominantly psychological approach of current American fascist propaganda.


The most theoretically developed and empirically based of these explanations was proposed in 1950 by Theodor Adorno (19031969), Else Frenkel-Brunswik (19081958), Daniel Levinson (19201994), and R. Nevitt Sanford (19091995) in a monumental book, The Authoritarian Personality (1950). This book reported a program of research that began with the aim of explaining anti-Semitism, but culminated in a far more ambitious theory, which for a time dominated social scientific inquiry into the psychological bases of prejudice and ethnocentrism.
Their first major finding was that anti-Semitic attitudes were not held in isolation, but were part of a broader ethnocentric pattern involving a generalized dislike of out-groups and minorities, excessive and uncritical patriotism, and politically conservative attitudes. Their research suggested that this pattern of attitudes seemed to be an expression of a particular personality syndrome consisting of nine tightly covarying traits. These were:
  1. Conventionalism (rigid adherence to conventional middle-class values).
  2. Authoritarian submission (submissive, uncritical attitudes toward authorities).
  3. Authoritarian aggression (the tendency to be on the lookout for, condemn, reject, and punish people who violate conventional values).
  4. Anti-intraception (opposition to the subjective, imaginative, and tender-minded).
  5. Superstition and stereotypy (belief in mystical determinants of the individuals fate, and a disposition to think in rigid categories).
  6. Power and toughness (preoccupation with the dominance-submission, strong-weak, leader-follower dimension; identification with power; exaggerated assertion of strength and toughness).
  7. Destructiveness and cynicism (generalized hostility, vilification of the human).
  8. Projectivity (a disposition to believe that wild and dangerous things go on in the world; the projection outward of unconscious emotional impulses).
  9. Sex (exaggerated concern with sexual goings-on).
Psychometric questionnaire items were developed in order to assess each of these traits, and these culminated in the famous F (fascist) scale, which was used to measure this authoritarian personalitydimension. Research did indeed show that that the F scale was powerfully correlated with measures of prejudice, ethnocentrism, conservative attitudes, and extremist right-wing politics.
Adorno and his colleagues theorized that authoritarian personalities originated from childhood socialization characterized by strict, punitive parental discipline and conditional affection. This creates an inner conflict between resentment and hostility toward parental authority and a fearful need to submit to that authority, which culminates in identification with, and submissive idealization of, parental authority, and by extension all authority. This aggression is repressed and displaced onto targets sanctioned by authority. These psychodynamics are expressed in the nine surface traits of the authoritarian personality, the pattern of ethnocentric, conservative, chauvinistic social attitudes, deference to established authority, and pervasive hostility and prejudice against out-groups, minorities, and other socially deviant targets.


5. Transcript of Adorno's Authoritarian Personality Theory of Prejudice

The high scorers were not only anti-Semitic but also prejudiced towards other minority groups.

Adorno’s Authoritarian Personality Theory of Prejudice Agree or disagree? Developed his F-scale survey to see how prejudiced people were. Adorno’s Authoritarian Personality Theory of Prejudice AIM: To investigate the roots of prejudice attitudes , particularly anti-Semitism.

METHOD: The researchers developed a personality questionnaire known as the F-scale; which measured a personality trait known as authoritarianism (Characterized by or favoring absolute obedience to authority, as against individual freedom)

100’s of U.S.A participants, from all walks of life, completed F-scales. People who scored highly were said to have an authoritarian personality.

After the test, the researchers interviewed 40 high scorers and 40 lowing scoring participants.

RESULTS: They found a relationship between authoritarian personalities and prejudicial beliefs. The high scorers were not only anti-Semitic but also prejudiced towards other minority groups.

CONCLUSION: people with authoritarian personality characteristics are highly likely to think prejudicially.

Authoritarianism and conspiracy theories – what’s the connection? Is there one?

There has been a lot of psychological research on authoritarianism, much of it by Theodor Adorno and Bob Altemeyer. Some has even concerned conspiracy theories, but as you’ll see, the results are a bit inconsistent. Some studies have shown that people who are more authoritarian are more likely to believe conspiracy theories. For instance, in a seminal study in conspiracy psychology, Marina Abalakina-Paap and colleagues showed that specific conspiracy beliefs tend to be associated with high levels of authoritarianism. Several studies by Monika Grzesiak-Feldman have shown that anti-Semitic conspiracy theories in Poland are more likely to be held by authoritarians. Likewise, a study in the 1990s by Yelland and Stone found that authoritarians are more amenable to persuasion that the Holocaust was a hoax, orchestrated by a massive Jewish conspiracy. Viren Swami, a psychologist at the University of Westminster, has demonstrated that anti-Semitic conspiracy theories are associated with authoritarianism in a Malaysian sample as well.
But there’s some evidence pointing the other way as well. In a separate study, Swami and his colleagues at the University of Westminster showed that 9/11 conspiracy beliefs are associated with negative attitudes toward authority, and John W. McHoskey found that people high in authoritarianism were more likely to be anti-conspiracist when it comes to the JFK assassination.
So what’s going on here? It looks like the content of the theories is what matters. The research on the psychology of authoritarianism has long shown that authoritarians tend to derogate and scapegoat minorities, which seems to be what’s going on in a lot of these anti-Semitic cases: a minority is being blamed by the majority for the ills of society. Swami’s Malaysian study actually proposes that the anti-Semitism shown by the Malaysian respondents might be a proxy for anti-Chinese racist attitudes: there are very few Jews in Malaysia, so Malaysian authoritarians might displace their ethnic aggression from a relatively powerful and socially accepted minority group (Chinese) onto one that is almost non-existent in their society and so can be scapegoated without consequence (Jews).
In contrast, a lot of modern conspiracy theories have a very populist and anti-government tone. They blame authorities for the evils of society, not minorities – the American government blew up the Twin Towers, MI6 killed Princess Diana, and so on. So it makes sense that authoritarians would be less likely to believe that their governments are conspiring against them and anti-authoritarians would find this idea more appealing. There’s no uniform association between authoritarianism and conspiracy belief – it seems to depend on the specifics of the theory in question.
As a side note: there is still some crossover between the anti-Semitic conspiracy world and the more anti-authoritarian theories like the 9/11 truth movement. 9/11 conspiracies are very popular in the Arab world, where there’s also a lot of anti-Semitism. There is also some crossover in the domain of anti-Zionism, which most anti-authoritarian conspiracy theorists seem to adhere to – David Dees is a good example (probably most of his cartoons feature anti-Zionist elements) – but anti-Zionism is not anti-Semitism, it’s just a point on which authoritarian and anti-authoritarian conspiracy theorists often agree.
banker-comic
Figures in the crowd like Jesse Ventura and Ron Paul represent the new conspiracism, while the Jewish-caricature bankers are a throwback
Still, antisemitism used to be much more socially acceptable than it is now, and its influence persists in the darker corners of even some modern conspiracy theories. You can see this a lot in editorial cartoons, where conspirators, especially bankers, are portrayed as having exaggerated hooked noses and tentacles straight out ofDer Ewige Jude. The artists probably have nothing against Jewish people, but are instead following the conventions of anti-banker propaganda that were first established in the early 20th century, when Nesta Webster was in her prime, the Protocols of the Learned Elders of Zion were still a going concern, and people were generally just really worried that the Jews were up to something.
  • The Wood & Douglas (2013) commission report: Whitewash or coverup?
  • Setting the record straight on Wood & Douglas, 2013
  • What does online discussion tell us about the psychology of conspiracy theories?
  • What does online discussion tell us about the psychology of conspiracy theories?

    I’ve just had a new paper published in Frontiers in Psychology along with Karen Douglas, my co-author and PhD supervisor. Frontiers is an open-access journal, meaning that anyone can read the full text for free, so if you’re interested go ahead and check it out.
    In this study we diverged a bit from our usual questionnaire-based methods. Instead we collected over 2000 comments from online news stories about 9/11 – the ones that tried to persuade people one way or another regarding whether the attacks were the result of a government conspiracy. We then coded each comment on a variety of variables – how hostile it was on a scale of 1 to 5, whether it mentioned other conspiracy theories positively or negatively, and most importantly how it made its argument. This last subject was what we were most interested in, and it gave us the most interesting result of the paper.
    Let’s say you’re trying to convince me that 9/11 was an inside job – you have a couple of ways of going about this. First, you could try to argue that the official story is inadequate: “jet fuel can’t melt steel,” “the hole in the Pentagon couldn’t have been made by a passenger jet,” and so on. You could also argue that the conspiracy theories provide a better account: “thermite residue was found in the WTC,” “surveillance footage clearly shows a cruise missile hitting the Pentagon,” etc. If I’m trying to convince you that 9/11 was done by Al-Qaeda terrorists, I have the same two options – I could try to argue that the other interpretation is wrong (“the conspiracy would have to be implausibly huge to pull this off,” “there were no explosion sounds from the bombs going off in the towers”) or I could directly argue that my interpretation is correct (“jet fuel is hot enough to compromise the integrity of structural steel,” “witnesses saw a plane hit the Pentagon”).
    In this study we found that conspiracist comments were much more likely to argue against the official account than in favour of their own interpretation. 
  • Childhood vaccinations: What is the role of conspiracy theorising?
  • Bilderberg Fringe Festival 2013 special report . In attendance to give talks were some of the biggest names in conspiracy, including Luke Rudkowski, David Icke and Alex Jones.

Mass shooting conspiracy theories: Newtown, competence, and politics

As the conspiracy theories around the mass shooting in Newtown, Connecticut continue to grow, Rob’s insightful post from a couple of days ago has generated a lot of interest. We can talk about evidence or lack of evidence as much … Continue reading 

7. Climate change conspiracy theories
In 2010, politicians from the Utah House of Representatives urged the United States Environmental Protection Agency to immediately suspend policies aiming to reduce carbon dioxide emissions. Why? Global climate change, the politicians argued, is a fraud. According to the Utah … Continue reading 
This is not an isolated incident. In the U.S., many Republican politicians refuse to acceptthe reality of anthropogenic climate change. Potential 2016 Republican Presidential candidate Marco Rubio has expressed doubts about the scientific consensus. In 2012, a U.S. Senator published a book called The Greatest Hoax: How the Global Warming Conspiracy Threatens Your Future. It is particularly worrying when people in power deny science and espouse conspiracist ideas. When climate change conspiracy theories affect political policy, it can have consequences for all of us – not just those who believe the theories. But of course, it isn’t just politicians who think that climate change might be a hoax; there is a substantial minority of the public who doubt that climate change is real or caused by humans. 

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